The New Color Line also describes how the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which was passed only to ensure that blacks could vote, has now been used to ensure that blacks are elected to office in numbers proportionate to their voting strength.
Gerrymandered districts are only the best-known examples of how this works. The city council of Mobile, Alabama, for example, cannot pass ordinances that are not approved by at least one black council member.
If there are three blacks on the seven-man council, ordinances require a majority of five. If there are only two blacks, they require a majority of six. In Jackson, Tennessee, and Calhoun County, Alabama, chairmanships on local councils must alternate racially without regard to election results.
One of the book’s interesting insights is that by basing legal status on group membership, the United States is returning to a kind of FEUDALISM. Just as nobles and serfs were born into classes with different privileges and obligations, race and sex (and, to some degree, disability or HOMOSEXUALITY) are today’s congenital markers of privilege and obligation.
The authors have no illusions about what this means. Because blacks now take quotas for granted, they “could not be terminated without conflict.” At the same time, as quotas are justified by increasingly hysterical anti-white hatred, whites may lose status in even more dangerous ways:
“Although an outbreak of violence in the United States comparable to the extermination of class and race enemies seems farfetched, the systematic delegitimization of the white male targets this group for mistreatment.”
Eventually, they note, whites will decide to throw off second-class status: “Separation is one possible outcome. Violence is another.”
Gerrymandered districts are only the best-known examples of how this works. The city council of Mobile, Alabama, for example, cannot pass ordinances that are not approved by at least one black council member.
If there are three blacks on the seven-man council, ordinances require a majority of five. If there are only two blacks, they require a majority of six. In Jackson, Tennessee, and Calhoun County, Alabama, chairmanships on local councils must alternate racially without regard to election results.
One of the book’s interesting insights is that by basing legal status on group membership, the United States is returning to a kind of FEUDALISM. Just as nobles and serfs were born into classes with different privileges and obligations, race and sex (and, to some degree, disability or HOMOSEXUALITY) are today’s congenital markers of privilege and obligation.
The authors have no illusions about what this means. Because blacks now take quotas for granted, they “could not be terminated without conflict.” At the same time, as quotas are justified by increasingly hysterical anti-white hatred, whites may lose status in even more dangerous ways:
“Although an outbreak of violence in the United States comparable to the extermination of class and race enemies seems farfetched, the systematic delegitimization of the white male targets this group for mistreatment.”
Eventually, they note, whites will decide to throw off second-class status: “Separation is one possible outcome. Violence is another.”
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