Maailman johtava talouden j apolitiikan sanomalehti Financial Times julkaisi analyysin perussuomalaisten vaalivoitosta.
Koska artikkeliin pääsee vain rekisteröitymällä, tässä kaikilel luettavaksi:
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The frustrations of True Finns tap into Europe’s Tea Party
By Tony Barber
Published: April 22 2011 12:26
- - Today’s True Finns have little to do with woodland spirits or stone idols. Instead they are an anti-establishment, anti-euro party founded in 1995, some 20 years after Mr Paasilinna published his novel. But they have just detonated the biggest bomb in Finnish politics since the nation’s declaration of independence in 1917.
By catapulting themselves from nowhere to finish a close third in last Sunday’s general election, the True Finns have made it difficult for the next Finnish government to approve the financial rescue measures that have been devised to save the eurozone. The euro’s existential crisis is therefore far from over.
...Yet the emergence of the True Finns should come as no surprise. They draw on a tradition of popular protest with deep roots in pre-industrial Finland, but their contemporary success stems from tapping into anxiety about Finland’s rapid modernisation after the end of the Cold War in 1989-91.
Until that frozen conflict melted, Finland had an ambiguous status as a democratic and free society, with self-expression restricted for fear of incurring Moscow’s wrath. It was taboo, for instance, for politicians, bureaucrats and the media to criticise Soviet policies. Books and films considered to be anti-Soviet were removed from circulation. In international affairs Finland was strictly neutral between east and west. The term “Finlandisation” was popularised in the 1970s by West German and US academics to describe this curious mixture of sovereignty and self-censorship.
Everything changed after 1991. Within four years Finland entered the European Union. Then came the euro and, in 2001, membership of the EU’s Schengen border-free travel regime. After decades as a well-off but relatively isolated country, Finland embraced globalisation, going on to develop a competitive economy and education system that is still the envy of the world.
As this happened politicians told Finns that national prosperity and the survival of Finland’s generous welfare state rested on integration with the world economy. But for a substantial minority of Finns, the price was unacceptably high.
Finnish unemployment stands at 8.4 per cent of the workforce. Jobs are disappearing abroad. Paper and pulp mills are shutting down. And when a factory closes in a small Finnish provincial town, the impact is felt more keenly than in densely populated countries, because the plant is often the town’s sole or main employer. It these resentments, from those who have lost from globalisation, which the True Finns exploit.
Like similar parties in the Nordic region, as well as Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Switzerland, the True Finns also play the anti-immigrant card. Foreigners make up just 2.5 per cent of Finland’s 5.3m inhabitants, much less than in other European countries. But the True Finns have not hesitated to label immigrants as “gang rapists” and “parasites on taxpayers’ money”. In a uniquely Finnish twist, they are especially hostile to Finland’s native Swedish minority, which accounts for 5.6 per cent of the population.
Timo Soini, the True Finn leader, an effective, down-to-earth orator, is a rare bird in Lutheran Finland because he is a devout Roman Catholic. The other 38 True Finn legislators in Finland’s 200-member parliament include nurses, clergymen, translators, auditors and ice-cream salesmen. Just as the US Tea Party’s anti-government rhetoric connects with one strand of the American political tradition, so the True Finns are recognisably part of Finland’s isolated heritage.
They owe their electoral breakthrough, however, to a new, external factor – the eurozone’s sovereign debt crisis. The party’s poll ratings started to climb last year, once it dawned on Finns that they were being asked to support emergency financial rescues for Greece and Ireland. When Portugal requested help a mere 11 days before Finland’s election, the True Finns knew they would hit pay dirt.
Finns are angry because, like the Austrians, Dutch and Germans, they dislike rushing to the aid of countries that in their eyes have cheated, idled, lived beyond their means and let reckless bankers run amok. To many Finns, the post-1991 strategy of openness to Europe threatens to turn their nation into a cow milked by foreign scoundrels for its money. But above all, Finns want politicians to listen seriously to their concerns. This is a trend discernible all over western Europe. Neither in Finland nor anywhere else can it be truly said that the mainstream political parties have delivered a convincing response.
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Koska artikkeliin pääsee vain rekisteröitymällä, tässä kaikilel luettavaksi:
_________________________
The frustrations of True Finns tap into Europe’s Tea Party
By Tony Barber
Published: April 22 2011 12:26
- - Today’s True Finns have little to do with woodland spirits or stone idols. Instead they are an anti-establishment, anti-euro party founded in 1995, some 20 years after Mr Paasilinna published his novel. But they have just detonated the biggest bomb in Finnish politics since the nation’s declaration of independence in 1917.
By catapulting themselves from nowhere to finish a close third in last Sunday’s general election, the True Finns have made it difficult for the next Finnish government to approve the financial rescue measures that have been devised to save the eurozone. The euro’s existential crisis is therefore far from over.
...Yet the emergence of the True Finns should come as no surprise. They draw on a tradition of popular protest with deep roots in pre-industrial Finland, but their contemporary success stems from tapping into anxiety about Finland’s rapid modernisation after the end of the Cold War in 1989-91.
Until that frozen conflict melted, Finland had an ambiguous status as a democratic and free society, with self-expression restricted for fear of incurring Moscow’s wrath. It was taboo, for instance, for politicians, bureaucrats and the media to criticise Soviet policies. Books and films considered to be anti-Soviet were removed from circulation. In international affairs Finland was strictly neutral between east and west. The term “Finlandisation” was popularised in the 1970s by West German and US academics to describe this curious mixture of sovereignty and self-censorship.
Everything changed after 1991. Within four years Finland entered the European Union. Then came the euro and, in 2001, membership of the EU’s Schengen border-free travel regime. After decades as a well-off but relatively isolated country, Finland embraced globalisation, going on to develop a competitive economy and education system that is still the envy of the world.
As this happened politicians told Finns that national prosperity and the survival of Finland’s generous welfare state rested on integration with the world economy. But for a substantial minority of Finns, the price was unacceptably high.
Finnish unemployment stands at 8.4 per cent of the workforce. Jobs are disappearing abroad. Paper and pulp mills are shutting down. And when a factory closes in a small Finnish provincial town, the impact is felt more keenly than in densely populated countries, because the plant is often the town’s sole or main employer. It these resentments, from those who have lost from globalisation, which the True Finns exploit.
Like similar parties in the Nordic region, as well as Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Switzerland, the True Finns also play the anti-immigrant card. Foreigners make up just 2.5 per cent of Finland’s 5.3m inhabitants, much less than in other European countries. But the True Finns have not hesitated to label immigrants as “gang rapists” and “parasites on taxpayers’ money”. In a uniquely Finnish twist, they are especially hostile to Finland’s native Swedish minority, which accounts for 5.6 per cent of the population.
Timo Soini, the True Finn leader, an effective, down-to-earth orator, is a rare bird in Lutheran Finland because he is a devout Roman Catholic. The other 38 True Finn legislators in Finland’s 200-member parliament include nurses, clergymen, translators, auditors and ice-cream salesmen. Just as the US Tea Party’s anti-government rhetoric connects with one strand of the American political tradition, so the True Finns are recognisably part of Finland’s isolated heritage.
They owe their electoral breakthrough, however, to a new, external factor – the eurozone’s sovereign debt crisis. The party’s poll ratings started to climb last year, once it dawned on Finns that they were being asked to support emergency financial rescues for Greece and Ireland. When Portugal requested help a mere 11 days before Finland’s election, the True Finns knew they would hit pay dirt.
Finns are angry because, like the Austrians, Dutch and Germans, they dislike rushing to the aid of countries that in their eyes have cheated, idled, lived beyond their means and let reckless bankers run amok. To many Finns, the post-1991 strategy of openness to Europe threatens to turn their nation into a cow milked by foreign scoundrels for its money. But above all, Finns want politicians to listen seriously to their concerns. This is a trend discernible all over western Europe. Neither in Finland nor anywhere else can it be truly said that the mainstream political parties have delivered a convincing response.
.
Vastaukset 2
Vanhimmat
heh, hyvä vertaus.
Nimittäin Sarah Palin oli zionistien soluttautuja, jonka tehtävä on tuhota teekutsuliike.
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2008/09/23/us/politics/23palinkissinger.jpg
Missä soini -siellä natsi - ja keltaisen lehdsitön juoppo ja laiska toimittaja hänen persettään lipomassa.